CARRY THROUGH THE GREAT NEW PROJECT OF STRENGTHENING THE PARTY

CARRY THROUGH THE GREAT NEW PROJECT OF STRENGTHENING THE PARTY*

January 5, 2018

Our Party must have the courage to reform itself and must become stronger if we are to succeed in effecting great social transformation by upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era. In my report to the 19th CPC National Congress in 2017, I emphasized that self-reform and strict internal governance are what makes our Party different from other political parties and that full and rigorous governance over the Party is a never-ending undertaking. Why did I emphasize this? Because stronger Party leadership is the fundamental guarantee for the continued progress of Chinese socialism in the new era. Without the CPC, how could there be a socialist China? Without the CPC, how could China develop socialism with Chinese characteristics? Without the CPC, how would China realize its national rejuvenation? It is with this understanding that in my report to the 19th CPC National Congress, I put forward the general requirements for strengthening the Party in the new era, and highlighted the decisive role of this great new undertaking in our great struggle, our great project, our great cause, and our great dream. 

Strengthening the Party as a permanent undertaking is a great innovation and an important means for our Party to lead our people in carrying out social transformation. In 1939, Mao Zedong noted in “Introducing The Communist” that building “a bolshevized Chinese Communist Party, a party which is national in scale and has a broad mass character, a Party which is fully consolidated ideologically, politically and organizationally” was “imperative for the victory of the Chinese revolution”, and he referred to this endeavor as a “great undertaking” essential for the final victory of the Chinese revolution. 

In this new era, our Party must lead the people in advancing social transformation through self-reform. In my report to the 19th CPC National Congress, I emphasized the need to build the Party into a vibrant Marxist governing party that is always at the forefront of the times, enjoys the wholehearted support of the people, has the courage to reform itself, and is able to withstand all tests. This is a requirement that our Party must meet in order to lead social transformation and to strengthen and develop itself as a Marxist political party. 

We must be aware that strengthening the Party in the new era is a formidable task. On the one hand, our historic missions of all-round moderate prosperity and national rejuvenation give rise to unprecedented challenges and new requirements. On the other hand, the various factors detrimental to the Party’s progressive and wholesome nature have become more dangerous and more destructive. The Party has to face protracted and complex tests in governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment; the Party also has to face acute and severe threats from a lack of drive and competence, disengagement from the people, inaction, and corruption. These realities drive the need to press forward with the great new project of strengthening the Party. Our Party should break new ground while consolidating its foundations, and focus on key issues while increasing momentum in all respects. More importantly, we must do so in the spirit of thorough self-reform.

Our Party’s successes and failures in governance and the lessons learned from the evolution of other socialist countries and political parties all serve to verify a truth: It is not easy for a Marxist political party to seize power, and by no means any easier to consolidate its governance. As long as the governing party does not lose its way, the socialist country under its governance will not go astray and will be able to escape the historical cycle of rise and fall. 

The cycle of rise and fall was indeed the constant fate of feudal dynasties in China’s history. After Qin Shi Huang, the First Emperor of the Qin Dynasty (221-206 BC), unified the country in 221 BC, he lived in excessive luxury, spent extravagantly, exploited his people, and coerced them into hard labor. As a result, peasants led by Chen Sheng and Wu Guang rose in a revolt against the Qin monarchy, which was followed by successive uprisings countrywide. In the Battle of Julu (208-207 BC), the overwhelming forces led by Xiang Yu broke into the Hangu Pass, which marked the decisive defeat of the Qin court, and subsequently burned its sumptuous Epang Palace to the ground. Literature of a later dynasty commented, “Alas, it was the six kingdoms themselves, not the kingdom of Qin, that caused their own downfall; it was the rulers of the Qin empire, not their subjects, that ended their own line. If the six kingdoms had loved their own people, they would have been strong enough to resist Qin; if Qin in turn had loved the people of the six kingdoms, it could have extended its rule from three to even ten thousand generations, and who could have ended its line? The rulers of Qin, having no opportunity to lament their fate, were left to be mourned by those of later dynasties; and if those of later dynasties lament but fail to learn lessons from the fall of Qin, their successors will only continue to lament.”

After reaching its peak through the reign of Emperors Wen, Jing and Wu, the Han Dynasty (206 BC-AD 220) fell from prosperity to decline and at last descended into division beset by wars between three kingdoms. Zhuge Liang wrote in “Petition on Taking the Field”, “Choosing courtiers wisely made the early Han thrive; choosing them unwisely led the later Han to ruin.” 

In the Tang Dynasty (618-907), Emperor Xuanzong, who opened up the Flourishing Age of Kaiyuan (713-741), lost his senses and became lecherous and degenerate in the late stages of his reign, leaving treacherous and corrupt courtiers at the helm. Subsequent Tang literature described Emperor Xuanzong’s indulgence in carnal pleasures with Imperial Concubine Yang, “They rose with the sun up high, complaining of the night too short. From then on, the emperor dismissed each and every morning court.” A later-generation Tang official observed, “Once personal desires go unrestrained, vice will prevail.”

In the Qing Dynasty (1616-1911), starting from the late period of Emperor Qianlong’s reign (1736-1796), vice and corruption dominated the whole of officialdom, and the ruling class lived a sensuous and extravagant life. A satire goes, “Even a ‘cleanhanded’ prefectural magistrate takes bribes worth a hundred thousand taels of silver in no more than three years at his post.” By the end of the Qing, the country was so weak and decayed that the two million troops of the Eight Banners, once matchless in battle, were powerless to stop the Eight-power Allied Forces of only twenty thousand from marching straight into the imperial capital. Such cases are numerous beyond mention in both Chinese and foreign histories. 

Reviewing the rise and fall of China’s feudal dynasties, we can see that some rulers who respected the needs of their times at the beginning of their rule won popular support, exercised good governance, and brought prosperity, order and peace. But none of them escaped the fate of decline after peak prosperity. There were many reasons for such tragedies in history. One of the most common and important reasons was the rulers’ extreme self-indulgence in pleasure, extravagance, dissipation and tyranny, and their complete inability to address their own problems, leading only to corruption among officials, destitution among the people, chaos in society, and ultimately the fall of the dynasty. 

We must acknowledge the significance of peasant uprisings in China’s history, but the reasons for their failure are thought-provoking as well. 

In the late Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), Li Zicheng rose in revolt, exercising strict discipline over his army, fighting imperial oppression, and protecting the people. The overwhelming peasant army swept through the country, seized the imperial capital of Beijing, and finally overthrew the Ming court in 1644. However, as complacency grew, the peasant troops became pleasure-seeking and slack in discipline. Soon, the Qing troops broke into the Shanhai Pass, aiming to conquer Beijing and rule the entire country. Li Zicheng’s dispirited and divided army joined battle in haste, and was utterly routed in just a few months. 

In the late Qing Dynasty, Hong Xiuquan and his Taiping Army launched the Jintian Uprising at a small village in Guangxi. In only two years, the peasant insurrectionists rose up, conquered Hunan and Hubei to the north, seized Jiangxi, Jiangsu and Zhejiang to the east, occupied the territory south of the Yangtze River, and established the capital of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom in Nanjing. However, some peasant leaders, once settled in the cities, threw themselves into a lavish lifestyle, drinking and reveling day and night. They descended into rival factions until they were deserted by their followers and lost their revolutionary motivation. Ultimately their movement ended in complete failure. Li Xiucheng, also known as the King of Loyalty, who was garrisoned in Suzhou, was still overseeing the construction of his mansion of extreme luxury shortly before Suzhou was conquered by the Qing forces led by Li Hongzhang. Even Li Hongzhang exclaimed that the mansion was as sumptuous a celestial palace as he had never seen in his life. 

Many peasant uprisings ended in failure. One of the most important reasons was that the peasant insurrectionists failed to resolve their internal problems. 

In terms of nature and purpose, the CPC and the PRC are intrinsically different from the feudal dynasties and the peasant insurrectionary forces. The differences go beyond a simple comparison. However, we can still learn from history to understand why powers rise and fall. After achieving success and recognition, it is not easy to stay mindful of potential threats, keep motivated, and focus on good governance. Equipped with the reins of power, it is not easy to practice frugality, remain restrained, and follow through on initial goals. In times of peace and stability, it is not easy to enforce strict discipline among officials, ward off corruption, and prevent extravagance. In times of great change, it is not easy to respond to the requirements of the times and comply with the aspirations of the people. 

Our Party has 89 million members and 4.5 million grassroots organizations. We, and only we, are capable of destroying ourselves. In Chapter 74 of A Dream of Red Mansions, during the search of the Grand View Garden instigated by a servant of the Jia family, Jia Tanchun warns, “Now I realize that big families like ours cannot be destroyed in one fell swoop from outside. In the words of the old saying, ‘A centipede even when dead won’t fall to the ground.’ We must start destroying each other first before our family can be completely destroyed.” This is exactly what previous literature observed: “Worms can only grow in something rotten.”

In my report to the 19th CPC National Congress, I stated that our Party must always hold itself to the highest standards if we are to remain the vanguard of the times, the backbone of the nation, and a Marxist governing party. How can we match this benchmark? We must be bold in self-reform, be strict with ourselves, redress all errors whatever the pain, and guard against any suspect tendency from within. It is of fundamental significance that our Party must constantly reform itself.

To prevent potential problems, our Party raised three requirements for officials when the Chinese revolution succeeded in 1949. First, we must never disengage from the people and must always be subject to public scrutiny. Second, we must never be complacent and must always work hard. Third, we must never yield to the temptations of corruption and must always maintain political integrity. It is by fulfilling these three requirements that our Party has achieved success to date. It is by fulfilling these three requirements that our Party will serve in office well into the future. 

Since the 18th CPC National Congress in 2012, the Party’s central leadership has also been focusing on the three requirements. We have exercised full and rigorous governance over the Party, strengthened education on ideals and convictions, and emphasized the need to stay true to the Party’s original aspiration and founding mission. For example, we have introduced and implemented the Eight Rules on improving conduct; we have launched education campaigns to increase the awareness of honoring the Party’s mass line; we require all Party members to meet Party standards and have a good understanding of the Party Constitution, Party regulations, and major policy addresses, and we have made this education campaign a regular program and introduced institutional mechanisms for that purpose; and we also advocate observance of the Three Guidelines for Ethical Behavior and Three Basic Rules of Conduct. Our Party has enforced strict political discipline and rules, cleansed its political ecosystem, and pressed ahead in improving Party conduct, building clean government, and combating corruption. All these endeavors aim to ensure that the whole Party meets the three requirements. 

After careful consideration at its first meeting in 2017, the Political Bureau of the 19th CPC Central Committee adopted the regulations on upholding and strengthening the centralized, unified leadership of the Central Committee, as well as the provisions for implementing the Eight Rules. The goal is to ensure that our officials, and senior officials in particular, are loyal, clean and responsible and can withstand any test. 

Looking forward, we will further strengthen the Party to adapt to the new era. To achieve this goal, we must focus on officials in leading positions. As all of you are senior officials of our Party, I would like to set several requirements for you. 

First, you must have firm convictions. Mencius said, “When we focus on the most important thing, other worldly temptations will not distract us.” Another ancient Chinese scholar observed, “Plants with strong roots grow well, and efforts with the right focus ensure success.” Since 2012, I have repeatedly emphasized that absence or weakness of ideals and convictions will result in moral turpitude, and we must arm ourselves with sound theories and hold fast to our shared beliefs if we are to become incorruptible and invincible. Why do I always highlight ideals and convictions for Chinese Communists? Because they serve as the inspiration of the CPC as a Marxist political party and shape the prospects for China as a socialist country. 

Ours is the largest governing party in the world, and should act in ways commensurate with its status, although it faces problems that come with size. It is not easy to govern such a huge party well. It is not any easier to build such a huge party into a strong Marxist governing party. A Marxist political party is not bound by interests, but organized with common ideals and convictions. To build a strong Marxist governing party, we must begin by strengthening our ideals and convictions. Our belief in Marxism and our faith in socialism and communism are our political soul as Chinese Communists, enabling us to withstand any test. As we have often said, a building shakes if its foundations are not solid. Likewise, our undertakings will fail if our faith is weak. Did not the collapse of the Soviet Union, the dissolution of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), and the dramatic change in Eastern Europe follow this logic? With a membership of 200,000, the CPSU seized power; with a membership of 2 million, it defeated Adolf Hitler; yet with a membership of nearly 20 million, it lost power. During the party’s fall, not a single man had the fortitude to stand up and fight. Why? Because they had lost their ideals and convictions. 

Both history and reality have a truth to tell us: firm in ideals and convictions, our Party will possess unparalleled strength; weak in ideals and convictions, our Party will become a brittle and fragile shell. All of us volunteered to join the CPC. In our oath of admission, we vowed to fight for communism for the rest of our lives and always be prepared to sacrifice our all for the Party and the people. Not long ago, I led members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau on a visit to the site of the First CPC National Congress in Shanghai, and we retook the Party admission oath before the Party flag. The purpose was to call on all Party members to honor the oath for the rest of our lives. 

As members of the Central Committee and principal officials at the provincial and ministerial level, you must lead by example in championing firm belief in the high ideal of communism and the common ideal of building socialism with Chinese characteristics, and in pursuing them with dedication. You must have unwavering confidence in the path, theory, system and culture of Chinese socialism. You must hold fast to these beliefs, and develop your political acuity and acumen. You must build up your capacity to overcome risks and challenges, and show other Party members and the wider public the power of ideals and convictions through your own actions. You should arm yourselves with Marxist theories and base your ideals and convictions on reason backed by sound theories, on a correct understanding of the laws of history, and on a full awareness of the actual conditions of our country. 

Second, you must have firm political commitment. Taking a clear political stance is a fundamental requirement for all members of the CPC as a Marxist political party. Our Party has always attached great importance to raising its members’ political awareness. This is manifested in each and every obligation specified in the Party admission oath drafted by Mao Zedong in October 1927: “Fear no self-sacrifice, fight for the revolution, wage class struggle, obey the Party organization, observe the Party’s confidentiality, and never betray the Party.” Based on a review of the Party’s experience, in particular its success in strengthening overall leadership and in exercising full and rigorous internal governance since 2012, the 19th National Congress decided that reinforcing the Party’s political foundations should top our agenda as the overarching principle for strengthening the Party. 

As members of the Central Committee and principal officials at the provincial and ministerial level, you must first and foremost take a clear political stance, which boils down to commitment to the Party. In terms of thinking, you must remain fully aligned with the Central Committee in political stance, orientation, principle and path. In terms of action, you must uphold the authority of the Central Committee, implement the Party’s political guideline, and observe the Party’s political discipline and rules. The primary task for consolidating the Party’s political foundations is to ensure that the whole Party is subordinate to the Central Committee and upholds its authority and centralized, unified leadership, without the slightest faltering or wavering. 

Throughout the ages, one of the common reasons for the decline or collapse of major world powers is the downfall of their central authority and the absence of unified leadership. In 1903, at the Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP), Vladimir Lenin and Julius Martov disagreed over how the party should be organized. Martov advocated “autonomism”, believing that RSDLP members could remain outside the party’s organizations — his true intention was to create a “membership club”. Lenin insisted that every RSDLP member must be part of an organization of the party under the principle that local organizations should be subordinate to the central organization, lower-level organizations subordinate to higher-level organizations, and the minority subordinate to the majority. On this issue, the Mensheviks attacked Lenin’s “despotism”. In 1940, Lenin pointed out in his “One Step Forward, Two Steps Back” that organizational opportunism “seeks to lessen the responsibility of individual intellectuals to the party of the proletariat, to lessen the influence of the central institutions, to enlarge the autonomy of the least steadfast elements in the Party”. Lenin believed that a political party must be close-knit, of common will, and unified in action, and that only a political party founded on the principle of centralism is “a really iron-strong organization”. He stated that “the proletariat can, and inevitably will, become an invincible force only through its ideological unification on the principles of Marxism being reinforced by the material unity of organization”. In 1920, Lenin proposed that “absolute centralisation and rigorous discipline of the proletariat are an essential condition of victory over the bourgeoisie”. 

To uphold the Central Committee’s authority and its centralized, unified leadership, we must put in place a set of systems and regulations. We, the Party officials, must remain loyal to the Party and its cause, ready to make sacrifices for the Party and the country. The Four Consciousnesses are of vital importance in achieving this, and provide the principles to steer our actions. Our loyalty to the Party is unconditional and concrete, rather than conditional and abstract.

Among all the essential abilities of an official, political competence comes first. All of you are in leading positions. To fulfill your corresponding responsibilities, you must take into account political considerations while assessing a situation, meet political requirements while planning and promoting a program, and prevent political risks while addressing and resolving problems. You must respect, follow and defend the Party Constitution, demonstrating initiative, acting as role models, and showing loyalty. You must strictly implement the Guidelines for Internal Party Activities Under New Circumstances, eliminate the Seven Malpractices, and honor the Five Musts. You must practice democratic centralism, set an example in observing Party discipline and rules, act with political acumen and integrity, and never engage in duplicity or deception. 

Third, you must have a strong sense of responsibility. A modern Chinese thinker said, “Knowing his responsibilities is a true man’s starting point; fulfilling his responsibilities is his destination.” The period from the 19th to the 20th CPC national congresses marks a historic transition between the Two Centenary Goals. During this period, we will achieve the First Centenary Goal of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and move on towards the Second Centenary Goal of building a modern socialist country. This requires us to have a stronger sense of responsibility in order to conquer unknown threats and tough challenges. 

As members of the Central Committee and principal officials at the provincial and ministerial level, you must adopt the right view on job performance and be fully aware of who you serve, what you seek to achieve, and by what means. You should lay the groundwork for long-term benefits, and you should never seek to outdo others by setting unrealistic goals or engage in wasteful vanity projects only to boost your own image at the expense of the public interest. This is how you deliver real results for the people and our times. You should be practical and dedicated, and persevere in fulfilling your duty. You should contribute without claiming credit, complete your tasks one by one, and work hard year after year. This is how you turn action plans, strategic goals, and development blueprints into reality. 

Fourth, you must strengthen every dimension of your ability in governance. A Chinese proverb goes, “Weak shoulders cannot carry heavy loads.” You need broad and strong shoulders to address challenges and excel in what you do. Party officials must have strong political commitment and professional competence. The more the cause of the Party and the country advances, the greater the competence our officials will be required to possess. For this reason, the 19th CPC National Congress raised the requirement for officials to build up their all-round governance skills. 

As members of the Central Committee and principal officials at the provincial and ministerial level, you must meet this requirement by strengthening your abilities and remedying any shortcomings. No abilities are acquired overnight, or once and for all. Rather, they must constantly be upgraded and expanded. You should be conscientious and keen to acquire new knowledge, learn new skills, approach new areas, and open up new visions. The aim is to improve your comprehensive capacity to lead and govern. Otherwise, you will fail to adapt yourselves to the changing world, and fail to tackle the new challenges posed by the evolving situation and new tasks. 

A short rope cannot serve to draw water from a deep well; shallow waters cannot carry a giant ship. It is of vital importance for our officials to possess the capability of overall strategic planning for national development. At the Seventh CPC National Congress in 1945, Mao Zedong stated, “It is not leadership to see nothing from the commanding podium. It is not leadership to identify only common things coming in large numbers either. Instead, it is true leadership to infer from something cropping up in small numbers that it will grow into a universal phenomenon, and to take good command of it.” To form and increase our leadership capacity, we must thoroughly understand the worldview and methodology of dialectical and historical materialism. This is an important means for us to build up our ability in governance. Each of us should have a good command of this subject through in-depth study. 

Fifth, you must demonstrate exemplary conduct. Conduct is in essence a matter of commitment to the Party. The conduct of officials directly affects the political ecosystem within the Party, as well as popular support for the Party’s governance. Substandard conduct by officials will inevitably lead to undesirable Party conduct and an unhealthy social atmosphere. Misconduct is destructive to the Party’s image and public trust in the Party. Misconduct is by no means trivial; once prevalent, it will cause enormous harm. For example, for some time prior to the 18th CPC National Congress, some officials wined and dined at government expense, causing strong public resentment. Many rules and regulations were issued but they failed to discipline the offenders; hence public confidence in the Party suffered considerable damage. After the 18th CPC National Congress, we adopted resolute measures, which proved effective and won public acclaim. We checked the lavish appetites of those officials, winning the hearts of the people. This is a typical case of achieving great results through targeted and decisive action. 

Our drive to improve conduct must never stop; we must make unremitting efforts to this end. Halfway up Mount Tai, there is a section of flat road called the Happy Three Miles, where climbers who feel tired can rest a while. However, porters usually do not stay long at this place, because lazy legs cannot climb further up the Eighteen Bends. The same is true with improving conduct — no slacking off at the critical juncture. If we remain resolute and steadfast in scaling the heights of Party conduct, tolerate no improper behavior, and make sure that measures for rectifying misconduct do produce targeted results, we will be able to eliminate misconduct step by step. 

As members of the Central Committee and principal officials at the provincial and ministerial level, you must be active rather than passive in your endeavor to improve conduct. You must lead by example in implementing the Eight Rules, making constant efforts to eliminate the Four Forms of Official Misconduct — form over substance, bureaucratism, hedonism, and extravagance. 

To demonstrate the finest conduct, officials must always keep the people’s interests in mind. An ancient Chinese statesman observed, “A government thrives as it complies with the wishes of the people; a government fails as it goes against the wishes of the people.” In 1943, Mao Zedong commented in his speech at the opening ceremony of the second department of the Central Party School, “We ourselves are part of the people. Our Party is the representative of the people. We should inspire the people to unite.” In 1945, Mao stated in the report to the Seventh CPC National Congress, “Another hallmark distinguishing our Party from all other political parties is that we have very close ties with the broadest masses of the people. Our point of departure is to serve the people wholeheartedly and never for a moment divorce ourselves from the masses, to proceed in all cases from the interests of the people and not from the interests of individuals or groups, and to understand the identity of our responsibility to the people and our responsibility to the leading organs of the Party.”

The people are the source of our Party’s strength in leadership and governance. Therefore, we must uphold a people-centered approach. While serving the people wholeheartedly, we should improve our political awareness and practical ability. While learning from the people sincerely, we should broaden our vision, enrich our work experience, and better combine theory with practice. While responding to the voices of the people and accepting public scrutiny, we should carry out self-examination, self-criticism and self-education. While performing our duties to the people, we should achieve self-improvement.

Since the 19th CPC National Congress, I have emphasized the need for extensive research and field studies. On December 15, 2017, I gave special instructions about this matter on the Report on Poverty Alleviation in Xunwu submitted by the Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee. Research and field studies are the groundwork for all our endeavors. Arbitrary decision-making without knowledge of the real situation on the ground will lead to failure. To implement the guiding principles presented at the 19th CPC National Congress, we should conduct extensive and in-depth research in order to understand existing problems and difficulties before taking concrete measures. Research and field studies must not be a pointless series of formalities, nor superficial or perfunctory studies that avoid getting to the root of problems, nor bureaucratic inspections that seek less advice but give more orders, nor passive research designed to tick boxes. There must be no selective research that focuses on high-performing areas and ignores areas with complex and serious problems. Instead, we must learn from the people and listen to the people with modesty and humility to know and understand their aspirations and concerns. On the one hand, we should go to developed and successful localities to review their experience; on the other hand, we should go to underdeveloped localities experiencing grave difficulties and serious public criticism to identify the reasons. The purpose of all these information-gathering trips is to understand real situations, work out effective solutions, resolve practical problems, and deliver tangible results. 

Form over substance and bureaucratism are lethal. In August 1933, Mao Zedong stated in “Pay Attention to Economic Work”, “We must not be bureaucratic in our methods of mobilizing the masses. Bureaucratic leadership cannot be tolerated in economic construction any more than in any other branch of our revolutionary work. The ugly evil of bureaucracy, which no comrade likes, must be thrown into the cesspit.” In August 1980, Deng Xiaoping pointed out in “On the Reform of the System of Party and State Leadership”, “Bureaucracy remains a major and widespread problem in the political life of our Party and state. Its harmful manifestations include the following: standing high above the masses; abusing power; divorcing oneself from reality and the masses; spending a lot of time and effort in putting up an impressive front; indulging in empty talk; sticking to a rigid way of thinking; being hidebound by convention; overstaffing administrative organs; being dilatory, inefficient and irresponsible; failing to keep one’s word; circulating documents endlessly without solving problems; shifting responsibility to others; and even assuming the airs of a mandarin, reprimanding other people at every turn, vindictively attacking others, suppressing democracy, deceiving superiors and subordinates, being arbitrary and despotic, practising favouritism, offering bribes, participating in corrupt practices in violation of the law, and so on.” We will distance ourselves from the people if we tolerate pointless formalities and excessive bureaucracy. Therefore, we must stand firm against such practices, and more importantly, we must eliminate their breeding ground with institutional mechanisms. 

Our officials must implement the Three Guidelines for Ethical Behavior and Three Basic Rules of Conduct at work and in life. With constant practice, good conduct becomes a habit, or a frame of mind, that brings lifelong benefits. Being strict with ourselves and working in earnest form a unity — the former serves as the premise for the latter, and the latter is the manifestation of the former. If we fail to be strict with ourselves, we cannot be rigorous and conscientious at work. If we fail to work in earnest, we will be perfunctory in carrying out tasks and too easily satisfied with small achievements.

One who fails to uphold integrity and exercise self-discipline must lack backbone and grit. This is a truth that does not change with the times. Fundamentally, integrity does not rely on external constraints, but inner strength and self-discipline, which drive the pursuit of an excellent and upright character. Chinese culture values this — “Moral integrity is the foundation for conducting oneself in society; self-cultivation is the basis for achieving success.” “Once a thought of self-restraint prevails, all sources of virtue arise. Once a thought of self-indulgence prevails, all evil desires set in.” We must strengthen our moral framework, exemplify the core socialist values, distinguish between right and wrong and between good and evil, develop positive interests, and aim at the highest standards of integrity and self-discipline. We must always respect the law, Party discipline, regulations, rules, and moral standards. We must always uphold the letter and spirit of the Constitution, understand the nature of public power, and respect the boundaries between public and private interests. We must be disciplined in what we desire and how we behave, and never cross any red line. 

The way people live decides the way they work. A private life without self-discipline makes a clean public life virtually impossible. Indiscretion and lax self-discipline in one’s private life will lead to self-indulgence and breed insatiable desire for personal gain. An ancient statesman observed, “One who has infinite desires has no boundaries in thinking; one who has no boundaries in thinking shows no restraint in action.” As the saying goes, “Rotting eggs attract flies.” Due to indiscretion in private life, officials will easily fall prey to bribery or sensual pleasure, and always end up in corruption and degeneracy. Each and every one of us must exercise the strictest self-discipline and exemplify the finest conduct. This is a prerequisite for leadership. 

Abuse of privilege is the greatest injustice. Since 2012, the Central Committee has made consistent efforts to combat the Four Forms of Official Misconduct, fight corruption, and improve Party conduct. This is a battle against seeking privilege in both thought and deed. We must all join the battle and subject ourselves to public scrutiny both in life and at work. 

During the Long March (1934-1936), as the Red Army was climbing over snow-covered mountains, a soldier in a thin and ragged uniform froze to death. The commander asked for the supply officer. Others told him in tears that the one who died was in fact the supply officer. As the army was short of supplies, the officer in charge of bedding and clothing had chosen to die of cold himself if it would secure warmth for others. What a noble mind! Integrity, though intangible, shows its strength at critical moments. It is by relying on the selfless dedication of those with high political awareness that our Party triumphed in one tough struggle after another. 

“Nothing is more visible than the hidden; nothing is more conspicuous than the subtle. This is why a man of virtue remains discreet even alone.” “Slight negligence causes grave trouble; trivial offence harms great virtue.” The key to true self-discipline lies in maintaining integrity and attending zealously to trivial matters even when under no scrutiny but our own. In dealing with every matter, however small it may be, we must sharpen our political awareness, maintain our political orientation, raise our leadership profile, cultivate our moral character, and strengthen our self-discipline. We must always be morally upright, and we must cleanse our mind and challenge our soul to resist any temptation. We must discipline our family members, relatives and immediate staff and be discreet in socializing, to avoid being trapped, exploited or compromised by corruptive forces. 

Four facts often strike me. One, that China, a multiethnic country with a population of 1.3 billion, has formed a powerful cultural and emotional bond and achieved a high degree of unity. This is a unique situation in world history. Two, that China’s millennia of uninterrupted history have created a distinctive civilization, fostering a set of values of profound significance and extensive impact. This is also unique. Three, that China has succeeded in developing Chinese socialism that is suited to its realities and adaptive to the changing times. This is again unique. Four, that China has been and will always be under the leadership and governance of the Communist Party of China, a close-knit political party with 89 million members that serves the people wholeheartedly. This too is unique. In view of the above four facts, we must strengthen our commitment to the Four-sphere Confidence — in the path, theory, system and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Through continued efforts, we will make still greater progress in rejuvenating the Chinese nation, promoting Chinese culture, developing Chinese socialism, and strengthening the Communist Party of China, which is the fundamental guarantee for the success of all our endeavors.

* Part of the speech at a study session on implementing Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and the guiding principles of the 19th CPC National Congress, attended by members and alternate members of the newly elected CPC Central Committee and principal officials at the provincial and ministerial level.

(Not to be republished for any commercial or other purposes.)