ISSUES CONCERNING SOCIALISM WITH CHINESE CHARACTERISTICS

ISSUES CONCERNING SOCIALISM WITH CHINESE CHARACTERISTICS*

January 5, 2013

First, socialism with Chinese characteristics is socialism and nothing else. The basic principles of scientific socialism must not be abandoned; otherwise, it is not socialism. 

Our Party always emphasizes that Chinese socialism follows the basic principles of scientific socialism while incorporating Chinese characteristics adapted to the changing times. This demonstrates that socialism with Chinese characteristics is socialism and nothing else.

A country chooses its political system based on whether the system can resolve the critical challenges it faces. When the Chinese nation was plagued by poverty, debility and foreign abuse, it tried out various doctrines and ideas. The capitalist path failed, while reformism, liberalism, social Darwinism, anarchism, pragmatism, populism and syndicalism “took it in turns to enter the stage”. None of them resolved the problems of China’s future and destiny. It was Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought that helped the Chinese people to emerge from misery and to found the People’s Republic of China. It was socialism with Chinese characteristics that enabled China to achieve rapid development. Looking no further than the start of our reform and opening up, and especially after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the dramatic change in Eastern Europe, the world has seen endless dire predictions about China and regular assertions have been made foretelling “the collapse of China”. However, China has not collapsed; on the contrary, its overall strength has grown and the people’s living standards have improved. “The landscape here is beyond compare.” Both history and reality have shown us that only socialism could save China and only socialism with Chinese characteristics could bring development to China. This is a historical fact and the choice of the people. 

In recent years there have been some voices, both in China and abroad, questioning the nature of Chinese socialism. Some define it as “capitalist socialism”, and some simply call it “state capitalism” or “new bureaucratic capitalism”. These are completely wrong. When we say that Chinese socialism is socialism, we mean that no matter how reform and opening up proceeds, we must pursue the path, theory and system of Chinese socialism and work to achieve new victories for Chinese socialism, as the Party made clear at its 18th National Congress. This means that under the leadership of the CPC and based on China’s realities, we must take economic development as the central task while adhering to the Four Cardinal Principles – keeping to the socialist path, upholding the people’s democratic dictatorship, upholding the leadership of the CPC, and upholding Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, and the policy of reform and opening up. It means that we must release and develop the productive forces, and develop socialist democracy, the socialist market economy, an advanced socialist culture, a harmonious socialist society, and a socialist eco-civilization. It means that we must promote well-rounded development of the individual, achieve prosperity for all, and make China a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, and harmonious. It also means that we must uphold the fundamental political system – the system of people’s congresses; the basic political systems – the system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the CPC, the system of regional ethnic autonomy, and the system of community-level self-governance; the socialist legal system with Chinese characteristics; and the basic economic system with public ownership playing the dominant role while developing together with other forms of ownership. This is Chinese socialism, embodying the basic principles of scientific socialism in the new era. If we abandoned these, our system would no longer be socialist in nature.

Deng Xiaoping once made the point clearly, “In carrying out our modernization programme we must proceed from Chinese realities. Both in revolution and in construction we should also learn from foreign countries and draw on their experience, but mechanical application of foreign experience and copying of foreign models will get us nowhere. We have had many lessons in this respect.” We did not fully copy the Soviet model in the past, nor can we now blindly copy the model of the West or of any other country. After the Cold War, many developing countries were forced to adopt the Western model, which led to political conflict, social unrest, and shattered livelihoods. These countries are still struggling to restore order. Zhuang Zi says, “Haven’t you heard the story of a young man from Shouling in the state of Yan learning the Handan walk in the state of Zhao? He failed to learn how to walk as do the people in Handan, and forgot how to walk in his own way. He had to go home on his hands and knees.” Never shall we forget how to develop in our way even if we learn from others. Our way is to adapt Marxism to the Chinese context and develop socialism in the Chinese way. 

In recent years, with our growing national strength and international status, more discussions and studies have appeared on the Beijing Consensus, the Chinese model, and the Chinese path. Among them, we hear approval and appreciation. Some foreign scholars believe that China’s rapid development has challenged certain Western theories, and that a new Marxist theory is overturning the traditional Western theory. We always maintain that it is up to the people to choose the development path of their country. The Chinese model represents the path of Chinese socialism created by the Chinese people through their own endeavors. We are confident that as Chinese socialism progresses, our institutions will undoubtedly mature, the strengths of our system will become self-evident, and our development path will assuredly become wider and have greater impact on the world. We must have confidence in our path, our theory and our system. We must be as tenacious as bamboo, as described by Zheng Xie: “In the face of all blows, not bending low, it still stands fast. Whether from east, west, south or north the wind doth blast.”

Second, the process by which the people build socialism under the leadership of the Party can be divided into two phases – one that preceded the launch of reform and opening up in 1978, and a second thereafter. The two phases – at once related to and distinct from each other – both mark endeavors of the Chinese people to build socialism under the Party’s leadership. Chinese socialism was initiated after the launch of reform and opening up and based on more than 20 years of experience after the socialist system was established in the 1950s. There are three aspects to this issue. 

One, if our Party had not taken a resolute decision to launch the policy of reform and opening up in 1978, or had failed to implement it in full, or had failed to steer it in the correct direction, socialist China would not have made the progress we can see today and would have experienced serious crises like those that afflicted the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries. It would also have been difficult to advance reform and opening up if we had not founded the PRC in 1949 and then launched socialist revolution and construction, which created favorable theoretical, material and institutional conditions and left us with both positive and negative experiences to draw on.

Two, although the two phases are very different in their guiding thoughts, principles, policies, and practical work, they are by no means separated from or opposed to each other. During socialist construction our Party put forward many sound proposals, which were not implemented at that time but have been carried out since the launch of reform and opening up. We must follow and develop them in the future. Karl Marx said a long time ago, “Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past.”

Three, we should conduct a proper assessment of the phase preceding the launch of reform and opening up. We should neither negate the pre-1978 phase in comparison with the post-1978 phase, nor the converse. In the pre-1978 phase we accumulated the experience and know-how that created the conditions necessary for the post-1978 phrase, and our experience since then is a continuation, adjustment and development of the former. In our assessment of the period leading up to 1978 we should adhere to the principles of seeking truth from facts and distinguishing the trunk from the branches. We should uphold truth, rectify our errors, and draw on our successes and failures. These are the foundations that will allow us to advance the cause of the Party and the people.

The reason I have highlighted this major political issue is that if not properly addressed, it will have serious consequences. A Qing Dynasty scholar said, “To destroy a country, you must first obliterate its history.” Hostile forces inside and outside our country often cast aspersions on the history of our revolution and the PRC, trying every means to attack, denigrate and vilify us. Their ultimate aim is to confuse our people and encourage their followers to overthrow CPC leadership and our socialist system.

One important reason for the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the downfall of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) was that the ferocity of their ideological struggle resulted in total negation of the history of the Soviet Union and the CPSU, repudiation of Vladimir Lenin and Joseph Stalin, and the embracing of historical nihilism. Due to the resulting ideological confusion, CPSU organizations at all levels no longer played their role, and the troops no longer followed CPSU leadership. Ultimately the CPSU fell apart, and the socialist Soviet Union disintegrated. Their failure must serve as a lesson to us.

Deng Xiaoping pointed out, “On no account can we discard the banner of Mao Zedong Thought. To do so would, in fact, be to negate the glorious history of our Party. On the whole, the Party’s history is glorious. Our Party has also made big mistakes in the course of its history, including some in the three decades since the founding of New China, not least, so gross a mistake as the ‘Cultural Revolution’. But after all, we did triumph in the revolution. It is since the birth of the People’s Republic that China’s status in the world has been so greatly enhanced. It is since the founding of the People’s Republic that our great country, with nearly a quarter of the world’s population, has stood up – and stood firm – in the community of nations.” He further emphasized, “The appraisal of Comrade Mao Zedong and the exposition of Mao Zedong Thought relate not only to Comrade Mao personally but also to the entire history of our Party and our country. We must keep this overall judgment in mind. … It’s not merely a theoretical question that is involved but also and especially a political question of great domestic and international significance.” These remarks reveal the broad mind and vision of this Marxist statesman. Imagine what would have happened if Mao Zedong had been completely repudiated. Could our Party have stood firm? Could our socialist system have stood firm? The answers are no and no. And it would cause unrest in our country. For this reason, it is not only a historic matter but more importantly a political issue to properly assess the relationship between our experience before 1978 and after. I suggest that you re-read the Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China.

Third, Marxism will not remain stagnant, and it will certainly keep up with the times, practical experience, and the advance of science. Socialism too always advances through practice. Developing Chinese socialism is a great cause. Deng Xiaoping defined some basic thoughts and principles on the subject. The third generation of the Party’s central collective leadership with Jiang Zemin at its core, and later the Central Committee with Hu Jintao as general secretary, also added outstanding chapters to it. Now, the job of the Communists of our generation is to continue with this mission.

Over the past three decades, we made enormous progress in developing Chinese socialism. Together with the conditions we created in the earlier years of the PRC, this forms the foundations for Chinese socialism to stand firm and develop sustainably. We have reached a new and profound level in our understanding of socialism and the development dynamics of Chinese socialism. There is no doubt about this. At the same time, we must be aware that we are still in the primary stage of socialism, that we face many problems that must be understood and solved, and that we need to expand our understanding of major issues and find better solutions to them. There is no doubt about this either. Understanding is a process. Our understanding of socialism, which we have practiced for only some decades, is still limited and needs to be extended and broadened.

To uphold Marxism and socialism and apply Marxist theory in analyzing new developments and solving practical problems, we must adopt a developmental perspective and focus on reform, opening up, modernization, and our current undertakings. We have said that there is no development path or model that can be applied universally or remains carved in stone. The progress we have made in theory and practice will help us better face and tackle the problems arising on our way forward, but they should not be a reason for complacency, far less an obstacle to future progress.

The further our cause advances, the more questions and problems will arise, the more risks and challenges will emerge, and the more unexpected events will occur. We must remain vigilant and guard against all risks, even in times of peace. Freeing our minds, seeking truth from facts, and advancing with the times constitute the enduring spirit of Marxism and the fundamental theoretical tool for us to adapt to new circumstances, understand new things, and fulfill new tasks. With officials taking the lead, all Party members must remain committed to the Marxist view on development, treat practice as the sole criterion for testing truth, and apply their initiative and creativity. We must be clearly aware of what is changing and what remains constant inside and outside China and in the Party. Never should we hesitate to blaze new trails, bridge rivers, forge ahead with determination, and audaciously explore new territory. We should have the courage and ability to address pressing issues in our work and remove doubts in people’s minds. We should drive reform and opening up to a deeper level, make new discoveries, create new ideas, achieve new progress, and promote theoretical, practical and institutional innovation.

Fourth, our Party remains committed to communism as our ultimate goal. Party members, particularly leading officials, should maintain a firm belief in the high ideal of communism and the common ideal of building socialism with Chinese characteristics, and pursue them with dedication. Belief in Marxism and faith in socialism and communism are the political soul of Communists and the source of our strength, enabling us to withstand all tests. The Constitution of the Communist Party of China stipulates that the Party’s highest ideal and ultimate goal is the realization of communism. It also states that the highest ideal of communism can be realized only when socialist society is fully developed and highly advanced. It is unrealistic to dream of realizing communism overnight. 

Deng Xiaoping noted, “It will take a very long historical period to consolidate and develop the socialist system, and it will require persistent struggle by many generations, a dozen or even several dozens.” Several dozens of generations – what a long time! It is but 70-plus generations from Confucius to the present day. This conclusion eloquently proves how sober-minded Chinese Communists are. We must understand that our efforts and those of future generations are all aimed at the realization of communism as the ultimate goal. At the same time, we must be aware that the realization of communism is a long process, which requires us to achieve the Party’s targets for the present stage and advance our cause with pragmatism. If we abandon the ideal of communism, we will lose our way and get obsessed with immediate results and benefits.

Chinese socialism unifies the Party’s ultimate goal and basic program. The basic program of Chinese socialism is, in short, to build China into a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, and harmonious. It is based on the fact that our country is still in the primary stage of socialism and will remain so for a long time to come. It does not deviate from our Party’s highest ideal. We must have a firm conviction in the path of Chinese socialism and uphold the lofty ideal of communism. We must be rigorous in implementing the Party’s basic program and guidelines in the primary stage of socialism, and do all our work well.

Our revolutionary ideals are of the greatest importance. A Party member devoid of ideals lacks an essential quality – as does one who engages in empty talk about lofty ideals without doing anything. Throughout the history of our Party, generations of Party members, inspired by their ideals and convictions, have sacrificed themselves for national independence and the people’s liberation. They were fully aware that the ideals they were pursuing would not be realized by their generation, but they were convinced that these ideals would be realized through the continuous efforts and sacrifices of generation after generation. As Xia Minghan wrote, “I will hold to my beliefs even at the cost of my life.”

There are objective criteria to measure the commitment of Party members and officials to the ideal of communism. Do they uphold the Party’s fundamental purpose of serving the people wholeheartedly? Are they the first to bear hardship and the last to enjoy comfort? Do they work hard and remain honest? And can they make every possible effort and even lay down their lives for the ideal of communism? Dubious ideas, hedonistic desires, self-serving acts, and passive attitudes – all are at odds with this goal.

Some people think that communism is beyond our reach and even that it is illusory. This opinion involves a choice between historical materialism and historical idealism. Some of our colleagues think our ideal is unattainable and thus waver in their conviction. The fundamental reason is their lack of faith in historical materialism. We must educate and guide Party members and officials to work towards both the common ideal of Chinese socialism and the high ideal of communism with faith and dedication. With firm ideals and convictions, they will have a clearer perspective, broader vision, and a more open mind. Thus they can maintain the right political direction and avoid complacency or imprudence in times of success, and despondency or wavering in times of adversity. They can emerge victorious from trials of risk and difficulty, resist the corrosive influence of corrupt ideas, and forever preserve the political character of Communists.

Reality has proved again and again that Karl Marx and Frederick Engels’ analysis of the fundamental contradiction in capitalist society is not obsolete, nor is the viewpoint of historical materialism that capitalism is doomed to failure and socialism will prevail. It is an irreversible trend of social development, but the process will be tortuous. It will be a long process that leads to the demise of capitalism and the victory of socialism. We must understand in depth the self-regulating capacity of capitalist society and fully recognize the objective reality that developed Western countries will dominate the economic, scientific, technological and military fields for a long time. We must prepare ourselves for long-term cooperation and rivalry between the two social systems.

For a long time to come, China as a developing country in the primary stage of socialism must cooperate and contend with capitalist countries that possess more developed productive forces, and learn thoroughly and draw inspiration from the achievements of their civilizations. We must even face criticism of the weaknesses in our socialist development in comparison with the strengths of developed Western countries. We must have full confidence in our strategies, resolutely resist all demands to abandon socialism, and actively correct erroneous ideas that go beyond our current stage. The most important thing is that we focus on our own development to increase our national strength, improve our people’s lives, and develop socialism that has more strengths than capitalism, so as to lay a solid foundation for us to seize the initiative, win the competitive edge, and secure our future.

Through the foregoing analyses, we are more aware that the path of development is the paramount question for the future of the Party and the success of its cause. Mao Zedong observed, “A revolutionary party is the guide of the masses, and no revolution ever succeeds when the revolutionary party leads them astray.” Throughout the years of revolution, construction and reform, our Party proceeded from reality to explore new paths, achieved successes through the New Democratic Revolution (1919-1949), socialist transformation and socialist construction, and eventually opened up the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. This spirit of independence and self-reliance and this resolve to pursue our own path have enabled our Party to recover from setbacks and go from strength to strength. As Lu Xun said, “The earth had no roads to begin with, but when many people pass one way, a road is made.”

Chinese socialism integrates the theory of scientific socialism with the long-term dynamics of China’s social development. It has taken root in China. It reflects the wishes of the people and meets the needs of the country and the times. It is a sure route to success in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects, in accelerating socialist modernization, and in rejuvenating the Chinese nation. As long as we pursue our own independent path and firmly uphold and develop Chinese socialism, we will succeed in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects by the centenary of the CPC in 2021 and in building China into a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, and harmonious by the centenary of the PRC in 2049.

∗ Part of the speech at a study session on implementing the guiding principles of the 18th CPC National Congress, attended by members and alternate members of the newly elected 18th CPC Central Committee.

(Not to be republished for any commercial or other purposes.)